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One key to moving the Biden agenda: Bring all three sectors to the table




The incoming Biden administration unquestionably will bring new focus to sustainable development goals at home and abroad. Joe Biden has produced plans in an array of key areas — environmental protection, clean energy and racial equity among them — and has promised action in his first 100 days as president. His administration will be playing catch-up in all these key areas, and the best way to make rapid progress is one that doesn’t get talked about enough: building three-sector collaboration into every major initiative.

Government partnerships are nothing new, but they’re usually binary: Government agencies work with nonprofits or with businesses or gather feedback separately from each. Collaborations across all three sectors are less typical, but they generate more deeply informed, comprehensive solutions and yield wider support.

The clearest way to illustrate the value of cross-sector collaboration is to contrast what happens when one sector isn’t at the table with what’s possible when all sectors are present. The following examples of initiatives related to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals show the consequences of leaving out or engaging key stakeholders — and point to how the Biden administration can do better.

When the nonprofit sector isn’t at the table: the lost opportunity in Opportunity Zones

The Trump administration’s Opportunity Zones were a good idea on paper but were more effective at creating massive tax benefits for already wealthy investors than at creating new jobs and economic opportunities in disinvested communities. That’s largely because communities were left out of program design and implementation, which resulted in capital flowing into projects that didn’t target community needs and sometimes usurped preferred community uses.

Working alongside government and corporate actors, community-based nonprofits could have ensured that the investments promoted equitable opportunity and contributed rather than extracted value from communities.

A couple of successes show what’s possible: The Economic Equity Network, a pop-up Multiplier project, created a network of more than 300 people committed to equitable community transformation and wealth building and brought them high-impact investment opportunities in three cities. The project helped broaden female and minority investor and entrepreneur networks, and promoted the use of Opportunity Zone funds not only for real-estate investments, but also to scale up minority- and women-led businesses.

The clearest way to illustrate the value of cross-sector collaboration is to contrast what happens when one sector isn’t at the table with what’s possible when all sectors are present.

Moving into 2021, national community development organization LISC is collaborating with local investment platform Blueprint Local on projects across the Southeast that will align small businesses loans, federal programs and community plans to build community wealth.

The Biden administration has indicated support for Opportunity Zones, as well as acknowledged the need for fixes. The first action should be to look at these models and restructure the program with a new priority: bringing community-rooted organizations together with investors committed to creating public as well as private returns.

When the for-profit sector isn’t at the table: The sidelining of sustainable fishing

Environmental NGOs have been lobbying for the 30×30 initiative to conserve 30 percent of the world’s ocean habitat by 2030, and the Biden administration is embracing that goal.

Sounds great, right? The problem is, the legislation on deck was created without meaningful input from the small-scale fishermen who have helped make U.S. fisheries the most sustainable in the world. This proposal would ban commercial fishing in at least 30 percent of U.S. marine areas, overturning the successful fisheries management system, harming coastal communities and cutting off consumer access to sustainable local seafood. The end result could be to increase long-distance imports from far less sustainable sources.

Contrast that with an example of what can happen when all three sectors work together: The nonprofit program Catch Together partners with fishing communities to create and launch community-owned permit banks, which purchase fishing quota (rights to a certain percentage of the catch in a fishery) and then lease that quota to local fishing businesses at affordable rates.

The centerpiece of the program is a foundation-supported revolving loan fund that capitalizes the permit banks and allows communities to invest in tradable quota. That makes it easier for small-scale fishing businesses to access capital and compete against larger players for the ability to fish in their own local waters.

So far, the Catch Together team has helped fund quota acquisitions and leasing in Alaska, the Gulf of Mexico and New England. The goal is to build a nationwide network of next-generation fishermen who are strong advocates for sustainable fisheries and ocean stewardship.

This network and other local fishermen — especially Indigenous fishing communities — deserve a seat at the table to explain how their sustainable fishing techniques contribute to climate resilience and conservation. By insisting on collaborative approaches such as the Catch Together model, the Biden administration could ensure that the effort to mitigate the harm caused by large-scale fishing doesn’t undermine responsible small fishermen. It is possible to reach the 30×30 goals by working with fishing communities — in fact, that may be the only way it will happen.

When government hides under the table: A power player blocks renewable energy

Pacific Northwest residents and wildlife are caught in the grip of a self-funding federal power marketing entity holding fast to an antiquated model that forces consumers to buy more expensive, less environmentally friendly energy. The Bonneville Power Administration (BPA) produces supposedly clean hydroelectric energy from the dams it owns — but its high-maintenance, high-cost infrastructure damages salmon habitat and produces pricier power than solar and wind installations.

BPA has maintained the status quo despite these deficits by pacifying environmental NGOs with funding to develop environmental solutions (which have no chance of working unless the dams come down) and using its control of the grid to keep cheaper, greener renewable energy out of the market.

Another thread runs through the success stories: science, scientists and diverse perspectives.

In this case, a public agency essentially has gone rogue, using its monopoly power to privilege its own perceived interests. Collaboration with the nonprofit and for-profit sectors could create solutions that serve the public interest, but neither the Department of Energy (the BPA’s overseer) nor Congress has come to the table to demand it.

Columbia Rediviva, a network of citizen activists, is working to change that by engaging Congress members in a plan to reimagine the Pacific Northwest power grid and bring salmon back to the Columbia River. One focus is freeing NGOs to be independent voices by shifting control of conservation funds to a different government agency (so that the BPA is not funding their operations). Another is building support for newer, better clean energy supplies by sharing research that shows taking down dams would deliver both cheaper energy and more jobs.

The Biden administration can promote progress in the Pacific Northwest and on clean energy goals nationally by putting government on the side of innovation and aligning the players’ incentives with the public good.

When everyone is at the table: The emergence of the first carbon-neutral U.S. city

Menlo Park, California, is on its way to becoming the first carbon-neutral city in the U.S., thanks to Menlo Spark’s work to activate stakeholders in pursuit of that vision. The nonprofit program has collaborated with local government, businesses, residents and experts to institute proven sustainability measures designed to not only reduce the Silicon Valley hub’s carbon emissions but also increase the prosperity of the entire community.

Menlo Spark created community buy-in to the carbon-neutral initiative by outlining how it would allow Menlo Park to continue to thrive economically. This support brought the corporate and government sectors on board as well.

The city adopted groundbreaking codes requiring that all new buildings operate entirely on electricity, and the Menlo Spark coalition spurred other Silicon Valley cities to do the same, creating a regional effect. The coalition also catalyzed 20 cities to commit to pursuing 100 percent carbon-free power for all customers by 2021. Solar installations for low-income families, improved transit tools and stops, an infrastructure initiative that paves the way for apartment dwellers to own electric vehicles, the Menlo Green Challenge for households, and educational tools all contribute to progress. 

This example illustrates a key advantage of bringing all sectors into the conversation: the nonprofit sector is highly skilled at taking the pulse of a community and figuring out effective ways to gain support from all sectors for innovative ideas. Biden’s climate agenda will require all-sector support to succeed, and the administration should center the nonprofit sector as a valuable partner in building community support.

The upshot: We need bigger tables

As the examples above illustrate, three-sector engagement is crucial. And another thread runs through the success stories: science, scientists and diverse perspectives. Biden already has taken steps on the crucial task of bringing scientific assessments and ongoing research back into policymaking, but there’s a lot of catching up to do in this area. At the same time, we need to be sure we’re involving a true cross-section of the community in initiatives that affect us all.

The National Science Policy Network is addressing both needs: this network catalyzes early-career scientists to take an active role in policymaking at all levels of government. It also focuses on racial justice and diversity in science, with initiatives to promote women and people of color and model inclusive and successful science communication.

Having all the right people at the table is the essential first step in creating lasting solutions to our long-running environmental and social challenges. That means involving all three sectors, a cross-section of our communities and scientific advisers who themselves represent diverse perspectives and are committed to translating science into policy.

In short, we need bigger tables where everyone gets a seat. The Biden administration would be wise to incorporate this principle throughout its policy agenda. That is how it will truly achieve Biden’s goal of uniting America.



Drive Electric USA — Electrifying 14 States




Electric vehicle leaders in 14 states have just launched a three-year effort to develop “Drive Electric” programs at the state level for these 14 states. The states do not include clear leader likes California and Oregon, but rather focus on places that need a boost or are just getting off the ground.

The initiative stemmed from a conversation between East Tennessee Clean Fuels (ETCF) staff and Clean Fuels Ohio (CFO) staff in early 2020, and they were awarded US Department of Energy (DOE) funding before the year was over. After several months of preparation, the core Drive Electric USA team pulled together a few dozens additional partners to help create these state-level programs.

One of those partners is CleanTechnica, and I’m sitting on 4 of the “Project Advisory Committee” working groups. The working groups are focused on 7 different priority areas the Drive Electric USA team determined were critical elements of state-level Drive Electric programs. Here is how Drive Electric USA summarizes these priority areas:

1) Statewide Branded EV Programs

The Project will create strong statewide branded EV programs, each guided by a committee of EV stakeholders and encompassing locally based chapters. These programs will attract support and resources, coordinate action across all other Priority Areas, and increase positive exposure.

2) Consumer Education & Local Chapter Development

Directly educate at least 14,000 consumers (average of 1,000+ per state) through direct participation in EV Ride-and-Drives (R&Ds) and other tactics. Develop and support local EV chapters (at least two per state) to coordinate R&Ds based on specific event models. Gather and analyze participant surveys.

3) Utility and Regulator Engagement

Educate state utility regulators, plus investor-owned, municipal, and cooperative utilities in 14 states. Base education on evolving best practices for utility EV programs and benefits of transportation electrification for all stakeholders, including non-EV owning utility customers. Conduct seminars, forums, R&Ds and other convenings for utilities, regulators and stakeholders in the sector.

4) EV Charging Infrastructure Planning

Conduct gap analyses and develop or update plans for EV charging infrastructure in each of the 14 Partnership states at statewide, regional and community levels. Use analyses to educate a wide range of stakeholders and plan deployment of EVSE at all levels and site types in each state.

5) State and Local Government Officials Education

Educate government officials in all 14 Partnership states. At the state level, focus on best practices for incentive programs for vehicles and infrastructure, state building codes, weights and measures issues for public EVSE, among others. At the local level, focus on guidance for charging in public rights of way, signage and parking enforcement, local building codes, and government fleet electrification.

6) Dealer Engagement — Develop Preferred Dealer Programs

Develop “preferred” EV dealer programs in 14 states, then secure forty or more preferred dealers total, with at least two per state. Build web-based platforms to help channel interested EV purchasers to preferred dealers. Partner with “low touch” Internet- based retailers that sell EVs, especially in portions of states still underserved by supportive dealers.

7) Fleet Engagement & EV Adoption

Meet with personnel from 560 fleets across all Partnership states, then drive EV adoption in an average of at least 10 fleets per state.

State population data came from the U.S. Census. Registered EV data is in flux — current data is from Atlas EV HUB; we expect to update this in March 2021. DC Fast Charger and Level 2 station data is from the U.S. DOE Alternative Fuel Station Locator state results, and refers to the number of “stations” or locations where one or more DCFC/Level 2 units can be found (added in Feb. 2021).

The Project Advisory Committee members are a mixture of private sector, nonprofit, and governmental entities. It is diverse and should cover all the bases necessary to help create high-quality state Drive Electric programs. Here are the 34 current Project Advisory Committee members:

  1. Argonne National Laboratory | ANL
  2. Association for Energy Services Professionals
  3. Atlas Public Policy
  4. Black & Veatch
  6. Center for Sustainable Energy
  7. ChargEVC
  8. ChargePoint
  9. CleanTechnica
  10. Clipper Creek
  11. Edison Electric Institute
  12. Electric Power Research Institute | EPRI
  13. EVNoire
  14. Fermata Energy
  15. FORTH
  16. Generation 180
  17. Greenlots
  18. Green Energy Consumers
  19. Lipschultz Energy and Communications Consulting LLC
  20. National Association of State Energy Officials | NASEO
  21. National Automobile Dealers Association
  22. National Conference of State Legislatures
  23. National Rural Electric Cooperative Association
  24. North American Council for Freight Efficiency | NACFE
  25. Orange EV
  26. Plug In America
  27. RMI
  28. San Diego Clean Cities Coalition
  29. Shift2Electric
  30. Sierra Club
  31. Slipstream
  32. Southern Company
  33. Southeast Energy Efficiency Alliance | SEEA
  34. Xcel Energy

We have a long way to go to electrify transport in the United States, but I am hopeful this initiative will speed up the transition. If you have any special feedback to provide on any of the topics above, feel free to pass it along, but I especially invite you to brainstorm and comment on the 4 focus areas of the working groups I’m on:

  • Statewide Branded EV Programs
  • Consumer Education & Local Chapter Development
  • EV Charging Infrastructure Planning
  • Dealer Engagement — Develop Preferred Dealer Programs

If you have something to share on any of these topics, pass it along. As the programs are develop, I expect to bring highlights of some of the conversations here to CleanTechnica, where I expect we can also gather some thoughtful feedback from engaged readers.

If you want to get involved in Drive Electric USA directly yourself, you can contact the administrative team here. You could also get involved through one of several Clean Cities Coalitions groups involved in the initiative.

Last but not least, the Drive Electric USA website includes a resources section that is sure to grow over time. For now, it includes the following plans or roadmaps as well as the Atlas EV Hub. Here are the exact documents that are listed at the moment:

  • Colorado EV Plan
  • Florida EV Roadmap
  • NC ZEV Plan
  • Tennessee EV Roadmap



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With New FERC Office of Public Participation, You Can Help Shape Energy in Your Community




Courtesy of Union Of Concerned Scientists.
By Mike Jacobs, Senior energy analyst

Gather in and read the news! Prepare yourselves for sights never before seen!

Ok, I’m no carnival sideshow barker, but this also isn’t a sideshow. The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) is creating an Office of Public Participation after 35 years of dodging the issue. This truly is a once in a lifetime chance for reform in a very important government agency.

FERC is the government agency that supervises, approves, and sometimes punishes companies that build gas pipelines (plus compressor stations and LNG terminals) and hydropower dams on rivers. It also oversees the electric grid’s reliability, operations, and prices.

Getting this new office going in the right direction could be a great change for communities and organizations that are fighting for energy justice, or better prices, or a say in what happens in their communities.

This office could allow people who might have to live with pipelines or community groups fighting to be heard about compressor stations get a chance to speak. Communities of people would be able to navigate FERC’s regulatory processes.

If the Office of Public Participation was set up with intervenor funding, it could provide money to those organizations so they could hire the lawyers and expert witnesses needed to sway commission decisions. Cities and towns that have been stuck with raw deals to buy overpriced power from power companies could better match the legal and technical power that utility companies bring to FERC proceedings.

FERC is unique for a federal agency because it is entirely self-funded. The money that keeps the office going comes from fees on developers and fines from companies that engage in harmful activities like market manipulation.

This agency has grown and evolved over almost 100 years, but it has always been opaque and difficult for all but the specialists in the energy industry.

Where it comes from

In the mid-1970’s, as part of a sweeping government shift to increase openness and environmental awareness, Congress passed an energy reform law that authorized FERC to establish the Office of Public Participation. While many of the consumer and environmental protection laws created in that decade are well-known, this new branch was never set up inside FERC. Until now. In December 2020 Congress ordered FERC to do something about this and to report on the plan by June 25, 2021.

What it could do

For a change, this office could help people and communities. Engaging with FERC is complicated and can be expensive. Making a concern heard can require understanding the legal and technical issues at work. Without this office helping the public on the process, a community’s concerns could go unheard. Until the Office of Public Participation is up and staffed, the obstacles for engagement remain.

The new leadership at FERC has made clear what they want this new office to do. FERC Chairman Richard Glick is elevating environmental justice and equity. His pick to get this started, Commissioner Allison Clements, announced: “My priorities are to listen to stakeholders and to incorporate EJ and frontline communities who’ve lacked representation before FERC.”

Public engagement at FERC is important because FERC makes decisions that impact people’s lives. FERC sets the rules and costs that utilities and power plant owners will collect from consumers. With nearly 1/3 of Americans struggling to pay their electric bills, keeping an eye on energy affordability is important.

What YOU can do  

  • Prepare for April 16 workshop by nominating speakers by March 10. People usually nominate themselves. Send your name and organization or community to
  • Get started between now and April on some comments about how this office should work. Anyone can send written comments to FERC. Here’s a general look at the process. I’m adding more specific areas below.
  • Plan for another round of comments when details become more clear. FERC is pushing up against the deadline Congress set to write a progress report to Congress in June. Once that report sets out some details, FERC will have more workshops and more questions to decide about the workings of this office and thus more opportunities for the public to comment.

How can we shape it

There are more ways to look at this change at FERC and respond to it. I’m offering one set of advice to help people understand what speakers and comment writers can talk about in comments:

  1. Ensure that the June report written by the current leadership sets down a strong foundation. Define how FERC will report on how this new Public Participation Office fills its mission so future leaders at FERC can’t easily gut those requirements
  2. Define the ways the Commission can enhance public participation and engagement, the ability to investigate problematic procedures and issue reports.

Questions that need answers

What should the Office do for the public?

  1. Tell FERC about the need for technical and financial assistance related to proposals that come up; who qualifies and who does not qualify for assistance; what kind of assistance is needed.
  2. Provide access, education, assistance to the public on the role of FERC and utilities that seek FERC approvals for the people impacted. Help individuals or groups who would be interested in learning more about FERC actions, commenting or perhaps formally intervening.
  3. Tell FERC what should be included in successful public outreach programs. What lessons can be learned from other outreach efforts?

What power should the Office have, and how should it be accountable?

  1. Should this office be able to act on failures of the regulated industry to comply with commitments to the public?
  2. Should this office provide rules with regard to public access to information?
  3. What are good metrics for OPP to track to objectively assess its success?

This is your chance, gentlefolks. Tell the federal government to see that the law established in the 1970s is put into service for the people it was intended to help. Speak up about what changes will help. There’s a lot the FERC is seeking to learn. Let’s help them help us.



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International Code Council Votes To Restrict City Involvement In New Building Codes




This week the International Code Council (ICC) announced that it would effectively limit the input of states and cities in the development of new building codes that can help cut energy use and emissions. The ICC decision goes against numerous local leaders, members of Congress, and the US Department of Energy and caves to industry groups like the American Gas Association and National Association of Home Builders.

Model codes developed by the ICC set the benchmark for building standards and can be adopted by states and cities looking to construct more comfortable, efficient, and cost-effective buildings. In late 2019, state and local leaders voted in favor of increased efficiency standards and making new buildings ready for electric vehicles and appliances.

Mike Henchen, principal on RMI’s Carbon-Free Buildings team, issued the following statement in response to this week’s announcement:

“States and cities are eager to lead in combating climate change, and building codes are an important tool for reducing emissions. The ICC chose to limit the input of local leaders in favor of industry groups resistant to change. The climate crisis won’t wait for these opposing forces to come around, so the federal government and local leaders must work together to accelerate modern, healthy, zero-emissions buildings.

“RMI will continue to support policymakers in multiple states who are committed to tackling the health, economic and climate impacts of burning fossil fuels in buildings. The ICC’s decision is disappointing, but states and cities can take matters into their own hands by setting more ambitious standards for zero-emissions buildings.”


  • Recent RMI analysis found that it is cheaper to build a new all-electric home, compared to building with gas, in all seven US cities we studied. Additional analysis found that switching from a gas furnace to an efficient, electric heat pump saves carbon emissions in 99% of US households.
  • The New Buildings Institute and Natural Resources Defense Council wrote their own Building Decarbonization Code, which states and cities can adopt to move toward a zero-emissions building sector.

Article courtesy of RMI.

Related story: Washington Clean Buildings Bill Raises The Bar For Every State



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Volvo Autonomous Solutions Forms Joint Venture With Foretellix




From its groundbreaking use of LiDAR to its award-winning City Safety systems, Volvo has been leading the charge in electrification and autonomization for some time. And that includes heavy-duty constriction equipment, too! Now, the company hopes to advance the state of the art even further through a partnership with the verification technology experts at Fortellix to jointly create a Coverage Driven Verification Solution for autonomous vehicles operating both public roads and in geographically confined areas.

Open roads present a number of challenges that one might reasonably expect to present a greater number of unknowns that, for example, a geographically confined space might. But a job site isn’t exactly free from variables, either, and operating in extremely tight conditions– like underground, in a mine, in close proximity to walls, other equipment, and human beings operating with limited visibility and very little margin for error — well, that’s not nothing. With that in mind, it becomes obvious that the ability of autonomous solutions to orchestrate large scale operations down to the finest detail will be critical in helping autonomous vehicles and machines to deal with anything they might encounter within their specified Operational Design Domains (ODDs).

Image courtesy Volvo CE

The only way to really get a sense of what all that is going to take is to run simulations — and lots of them! That’s where Fortellix comes in. Foretellix is a pioneer in methodologies for automated driving system verification, and its platform uses novel AI and big data analytical tools that coordinate and monitor millions of driving scenarios to expose bugs and edge cases. Those edge cases, way out on the edge of the probability curve, are what need to be planned for, especially when a 30-ton Volvo track loader starts throwing its weight around. Underground. In a potentially explosive mine.

So, yeah — seems like the kind of thing you’d want to take planning for seriously. And, for their part, Foretellix seems to be taking this project very seriously. “We are very proud to partner with Volvo Group. This partnership is a significant milestone for the industry as it is the first time that large scale Coverage Driven Verification will be used for verification of ADS in confined areas,” explains Ziv Binyamini, the CEO co-founder of Foretellix and all-around smart guy. “Our partnership will combine the expertise of the two companies and set a new standard in the verification of automated driving systems, boosting both safety and productivity.”

The new joint program will enable massive scale testing of millions of different job site scenarios, which will validate autonomous vehicle AIs and help the machines adapt within their ODDs. It’s hard to say when the first large-scale deployment of Volvo CE’s autonomous vehicles will happen, yet, but projects like this one means it will probably be somewhat sooner than later.



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